شكرا ليك يا استاذ انور على هذا التحليل وان كان لازال بما ان المحلل اسرائيلي فطبعا التحيز الواضح لاسرائيللان بصراحة مصر متفوقة على اسرائيل في القوات البرية اسرائيل تفوقها الوحيد هو سلاح الجو والحرب الالكترونية وهذه الفجوة كل مدى ما هي بتقل

مشششششششششششكووووووووووووووور
ونهايه اسرائيل
امر مسلم به
على يد المصريين
كما كان وكما يجب ان يكون

مشكور استاذ أنور
لكن ملاحظ أن معظم الإحصائيات تعود لعام2003 هل هذا التقرير حديث؟؟

شكرا علي الموضوع الا انه غير عميق ( سطحي )

بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم

استاذ انور شكرا ولكنك لم تذكر كامل التقرير

وللاخوه التقرير كامل عن مصر المقتبس بعضه ^^

اقتباس :

With a
fielded force of 420,000 soldiers, Egypt has one of the largest and
most professional standing armies in the Middle East. Equipped with
some of the region’s most modern weaponry, it also poses the greatest
conventional threat to Israel of any Arab state. This danger continues
to grow as Cairo pursues an ambitious program of rearmament
unprecedented in its recent history. Heavy Armor and systems to defeat
heavy armor are key components of Egypt’s new offensive military
posture.

The centerpiece of Egypt’s armored force is
the American-made M1-A1 main battle tank. Cairo began integrating the M1 Abrams
into its military strategy in 1988 following the construction of Tank Assembly
Plant 200 in Helwan just outside of Cairo. At a cost of about $1 billion, this
plant was paid for largely with US foreign assistance dollars.

The M1 is produced in Egypt under a
licensed co-production agreement with General
Dynamics Land Systems (GDLS). About 60% of each Egyptian M1 is manufactured by
GDLS at plants in the US. The components then are shipped to Egypt in kits for
final assembly and testing. The remaining 40% of each vehicle is produced
locally in Egypt.

In a little over a decade, the Helwan tank
plant has spawned a vast network of local factories that now are capable of
fabricating many of the parts needed for the repair and maintenance of the
country’s armored fleet. This has dramatically improved the Army’s field
readiness while strengthening Egypt’s overall military production base. The
country’s National Organization for Military Production now oversees 16
industrial sites.⁹

Following the production of the first 555
tanks begun in 1991, Cairo authorized additional orders. The latest of these
came in October 2003, with the approval by the Pentagon of 125 M1A1 tank kits
for $920 million. A full spare parts and training package also was included in
the deal.¹⁰ This brings to 880 the number of
Abrams American tanks now in the Egyptian arsenal.

Plans call for a total of 1,500 M1s to be
produced and fielded with the Egyptian Army. Eventually, the country hopes to
replace its entire inventory of Soviet-era tanks. In the meantime, the Army is
studying the possibility of upgrading its 600 T-62 tanks with a new, more
powerful engine. Favored at this time is the 1,500hp SACM V8X-1500 Hyperbar
diesel engine used in the French Leclerc tank.¹¹
Egypt’s 800 T-55 tanks remain in storage.



An American-Fueled Arms Race





Eager to solidify its position as the
number one arms supplier to the Middle East, Washington has shown little
reluctance to hold back on the transfer of advanced equipment to the region.
Egypt has been one of the largest purchasers in recent years with the
acquisition of a vast assortment of missiles, combat ships, artillery, attack
and reconnaissance aircraft, surveillance drones and munitions. Tanks are no
exception.

In a surprise move, the Defense Department
announced in late 2003 that it would permit the M1A1 tank fleets of its allies
in the Middle East to be upgraded to the M1A2 configuration. The move would
dramatically enhance both the lethality and survivability of the Abrams by
giving it capabilities comparable to front line US forces. The only other
countries in the Middle East that currently operate M1A2 tanks are Kuwait with
218 and Saudi Arabia with 315. Recently, Washington approved a $26 million
contract from General Dynamics Land Systems to reconfigure the first 14
Egyptian Abrams tanks to the M1A2 model.¹²

So effective was the M1 during the 1991
Desert Storm campaign that not a single round fired by a Soviet-made T-72 was
able to penetrate its armor plate made of depleted uranium. In fact, most Iraqi
tanks were engaged by US forces beyond their firing range and destroyed by M1
tanks at between 3,000 and 3,500 meters using M829A1 APFSDS-T ammunition.

<blockquote dir="ltr">






On desert
maneuvers: US M1A1 tanks of the type now in service with the Egyptian Army
Source: GlobalSecurity.org

</blockquote>

The M1A2 upgrade is an attractive option
for Egypt which is eager to narrow its technology gap with Israel. Nearly a
quarter of a century after the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel was signed,
Cairo still nurtures the goal of achieving strategic parity with the Jewish
state. Egypt’s Chief of the General Staff, Marshal Hussein Tantawi, has made it
plain that his country not only seeks to improve the effectiveness of its air,
land and sea forces, but is working to give them a power projection capability
as well.

In August, 2001, just one month before the
terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, a senior
Egyptian official was
reported to have threatened that if Israel reoccupied the Palestinian
territories, Egypt order armored units belong to its Third Army into the Sinai
Peninsula.¹³

Talk of this sort has done little to slow
the transfer of American arms to Egypt. In fact, the pace has quickened in
recent years as Washington has emerged as the preferred arms supplier to the
Middle East, a region already bristling with armament and conflicts on nearly
every border.

Understandably, policymakers in Jerusalem
have become increasingly worried that the US is abandoning its historic
commitment to ensure Israel’s qualitative military edge against any combination
of adversaries. It is a pledge that has been reaffirmed by successive
administrations, both Republican and Democrat, over the last two decades.
Instead of strengthening Israel, this proliferation spiral has only weakened the
country, draining its already fragile economy of scare resources and forcing its
military to devise new and evermore imaginative battlefield solutions to weapons
supplied by Israel’s principal ally.

Jerusalem’s concerns were reinforced in
February 2002, with the declaration from Cairo that Egypt no longer considered
its defense relations with Washington connected to its peace treaty with Israel.¹⁴
Instead of issuing a strong condemnation of this policy shift, the Bush
Administration rewarded Cairo by agreeing to the sale of 53 satellite-guided
Harpoon Block II anti-shipping missiles to Egypt. This advanced system can be
employed like a cruise missile to accurately strike targets on both land and
sea.

Responding to Egypt’s massive arms build-up
Israel’s Defense Minister, Shaul Mofaz, told the Israeli daily Ma’arivrecently:
<blockquote>


We look with concern at the
strengthening of Egypt and we ask: what is it for? After all, we have peace with
Egypt and I see no country threatening them. A new reality may develop that in a
few years there will be a different leadership in Egypt and that could change
how they relate to Israel.¹⁵
</blockquote>

In fact, the situation today in Egypt looks
very much like it did in Iran during the last days of the Shah. The country’s
growing political instability, lack of a clear succession plan and the growing
power of radical Islam, could easily throw the country into chaos. The result
would be that a large amount of highly sophisticated weaponry would fall
suddenly into the hands of individuals committed to the downfall of Israel and
the destruction of US interests in the Middle East.

Since 1981, Washington has contributed
significantly to the operational effectiveness of the Egyptian armed forces by
sponsoring the biannual Bright Star exercise. Armor and anti-armor scenarios
have always figured prominently in the training regime. In recent years, the
aggressor force used in the exercises has been modeled after the Iraqi military.
During the last Bright Star gathering 58,000 troops from the US, France, Britain
and several Gulf States converged on Egypt for a month of war games and
information sharing.

Ironically, this activity has allowed the
Egyptian armed forces to refine their operation doctrine and in fact to benefit,
indirectly, from many of the hard won lessons learned by Israel in its various
military campaigns. While Israel and the US maintain a close working
relationship at all levels of military interaction, the fact remains that
Jerusalem can not control what American officials do with the observations and
insights they glean during joint exercises with the IDF.

One of the most outspoken Israeli critics
of the Egyptian military build-up has been Yuval Steinitz, chairman of the
Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee. In a recent report he noted:

<blockquote>



The last decade has seen a very sharp rise in
military expenditures in Egypt, beyond the amounts that poor country gets from
the United States annually… Up to now, Egypt has received more than $30 billion
in military aid from the United States. Israel has received slightly more in the
last 22 years, but we have had to spend much of it on war – against Palestinian
terrorism, against Hizbullah in the north, against the Iraqis who in 1991 struck
Israel with Scud missiles, and other military campaigns Israel was forced to
conduct.¹⁶
</blockquote>

It is in the area of armored systems and
the equipment needed to support offensive armor operations where the US has been
particularly helpful to the Egyptians. In 2003, Washington agreed to sell Egypt
10,040 non-standard
Armor Piercing Fin
Stabilized Discarding Sabot-Tracer Kinetic Energy Tungsten Advanced
(APFSDS-T) armor-piercing rounds under a contract worth $54
million.¹⁷ This advanced tungsten projectile,
used in conjunction with the improved targeting systems in the M1A2,
significantly enhances the killing power of the American-made tank.

<blockquote dir="ltr">




APFSDS-T Tank Round in Flight
Source: US Army

</blockquote>

بقيه التقرير

اقتباس :

In 2002 Egypt purchased 5,000 KEW-A1 armor
piercing shells from the US made of depleted-uranium (DU), the tank ammunition
adds significantly to the lethality of Egyptian armor.¹⁸
Another contract awarded to Alliant Techsystems in August of that year called
for assisting Egypt to establish an indigenous capability to produce 120 mm tank
training ammunition.

Recently, Egypt has made a number of
additional acquisitions which directly support the modernization of Cairo’s
armored fleet as well as its anti-armor capability. By supplying this equipment
and training the US has enabled Egypt to field a military force tailored to
offensive operations. Some of these systems include:

• 
  
  Co-Production of 21 M88A2 Hercules Heavy
  Recovery Vehicle Kits. These vehicles are used for “towing, wrecking, and
  hoisting operations supporting recovery operations and evacuation of heavy
  tanks and other tracked combat vehicles”.¹⁹
  
  
• 
  
  Purchase of “26 Extended Range-Multiple
  Launch Rocket Systems (ER-MLRS) with fire control panels, 485 ER-MLRS rocket
  posts (six rockets per pod), 22 reduced range practice rocket posts (six
  rockets per pod), one MLRS fire control proficiency trainer, three M88A2
  recovery vehicles, 30 M577A2 command post carriers…” and other support
  equipment.²⁰
  
• 
  
  Purchase of 459 AGM-114K3 Hellfire II
  Air-to-Surface Anti-Armor Missiles.
  
• 
  
  Purchase of 500 M1045A2 High Mobility
  Multi-purpose Wheeled Vehicles (HMMWV) to be fielded with TOW weapons systems.²¹
  
• 
  
  Approved the delivery of 120 embedded
  diagnostics personality system vehicle sets for the M1A1.²²
  
• 
  
  Purchase of components for
  surface-to-surface rockets, principally M77 grenades with new fuses.²³
  

As the weight of Arab arms tips ever more
precariously against Israel, Washington continues to deny it is a large part of
the problem. In each of the notifications it sends to Congress of pending arms
sales the Pentagon trumpets the same well worn assertion, that:
“The proposed sale of this
equipment and support will not affect the basic military balance in the region.”²⁴
The facts, though, suggest otherwise.

Indeed, the Pentagon has never provided a
means for accurately gauging just how the sale of offensive weapons to Arab
allies not under threat of attack will help to preserve the balance of power in
the region.

The US Department of Defense justified its
recent sale of an additional 125 M1A1 tanks to Egypt by declaring:
<blockquote>

This proposed sale will
contribute to the foreign policy and national security of the United States
by helping to improve the security of a
friendly country which has been and continues to be an important force for
political stability and economic progress in the Middle East.²⁵
</blockquote>

The use of such
boilerplate language in virtually every congressional notification makes a
mockery of a process which is supposed to provide oversight and direction to
American arms sales policy.
Many political observers find it
astonishing that Washington continues to lavish military hardware on Egypt
despite the country’s increasingly confrontational stance towards the US. In
recent years the two governments have sharply divided over questions of Iraq
sanctions, the Bush Administration’s toppling of the Saddam Hussein regime and
the subsequent US occupation of Iraq, Washington’s support for Israel, America’s
post-9/11 policy of pre-emption and the White House goal of extending democracy
throughout the Middle East.



Four AGM-114
Hellfire Missiles Mounted
on a Wing Pylon of an AH-64 Apache Helicopter
Source: US Army



TOW System Mounted on an HMMWV
Source: Thiokol



Multiple Launch
Rocket System (MLRS)
Source: Redstone Arsenal

Despite this divergence in policy, Egypt’s
President, Hosni Mubarak, continues to tout his nation as one of America’s
closest allies in the region. That show of fealty has brought enormous financial
rewards. In addition to the $1.3 billion in military assistance Cairo receives
annually from the US, the Bush Administration approved an additional $300
million in aid in 2003 along with $2 billion in loan guarantees, ostensibly to
offset the loss in trade revenue resulting from the Iraq war – a war which Egypt
opposed.

Congress, though, has been less than
sanguine about Egypt’s treatment of the US and Israel in recent years. In
January 2004, Representative Anthony Weiner (D-NY), introduced a bill that would
convert US military assistance to Egypt into economic assistance as a protest
against that country’s growing militancy.

Termed the “Egyptian Counterterrorism
and Political Reform Act”, the bill makes note of Egypt’s failure to halt the
smuggling of weapons contraband across its border with Israeli-controlled Gaza,
its public support of Hizbullah attacks against Israel, the continued incitement
against the US and Israel in the government controlled press, Cairo’s flagrant
abuse of human rights and its refusal to normalize relations with Israel despite
commitments made in the 1979 peace treaty between the two countries.²⁶

In a similar vein, Senator Mitch McConnell
(R-KY),
Chairman of the US Senate Foreign Operations Appropriations subcommittee has
called for the wholesale reform of Egyptian economic and military programs as
well as a halt to its human rights abuses as a pre-condition of future American
assistance.²⁷

In the autumn of 2002, with war against
Saddam just months away, Washington asked the Mubarak Government for
permission to allow American forces access to Egyptian bases.²⁸ Mubarak refused. Yet, just over a year later, Washington agreed to a strategic
dialogue with Cairo aimed at improving US-Egyptian defense ties and bolstering
Egyptian defenses.²⁹

In October, 2002, Egypt conducted the
latest in a series of large scale live-fire exercise in the Sinai Peninsula
designed to test the inter-operability of its modernized air defense capability.³⁰
The 10 day exercise termed “A`asar-2002”, focused on the breakout of the Third
Army across the Suez Canal and through fortifications. According to reports 120
aircraft participated in the exercise which used “reconnaissance and imaging
technology to destroy mock enemy targets”.³¹
Tanks and armored vehicles were among the targets. Israel, the country with whom
Egypt has a peace treaty, was the presumed adversary.

In recent years, Egypt also has stepped up
its consultations with Syria,³² China, North
Korea and Russia in a bid to boost military cooperation and diversify its
sources of arms.³³ The result is an arsenal
bristling with weapons of a clearly offensive character. Among the most
worrisome are 24 No-Dong missiles provided by North Korea. Each can be modified
to carry a nuclear, chemical or biological warhead and has an enhanced range
capable of covering all of neighboring Israel.³⁴

In 1996 Egyptian Chief of Staff
Tantawi declared:
<blockquote>

Peace does not mean
relaxation. The endless development of military systems and the arms race
prove that survival is only assured by the strongest and that military
strength will always be necessary. Military strength has grown to be a
prerequisite of peace. Any threat to any Arab or African country is a threat
to Egypt’s national security.³⁵
</blockquote>

بخلاف التقرير

ولكن لماذا مصر استوردت ذخائر 120مم خارقه تنجستين وهي تصنعها داخل مصر؟!!!

خلاص موضوع تطوير الابرامز أكيد مش توقعات؟
حد يفرحنا ربنا يخليكوا!

Hoba666 كتب:

خلاص موضوع تطوير الابرامز أكيد مش توقعات؟
حد يفرحنا ربنا يخليكوا!

أكيد ومن زمان

الموضوع جميل بس مهما كان امريكا بتساعد اسرائيل لوحدها اكثر من ما بتساعد كل الدول العربية معا

zero@fear كتب:

Hoba666 كتب:

خلاص موضوع تطوير الابرامز أكيد مش توقعات؟
حد يفرحنا ربنا يخليكوا!

أكيد ومن زمان

ربنا يفرح قلبك يا معلم اخيرا في حاجة جديدة تفرحنا
عقبال الاف 16 لما تتطور علشان تجمد اكتر
يعني 220طيارة بلوك 52 او بلوك 60
يبقي فل أوي.

هذا هو مسلسل ادعاء الضعف بجوار دول الجيران العرب.للضغط على الأدارة الأمريكية لمنح اسرائيل صفقات متطورة مثل الأف 22 وهذه السياسة تتبناها اسرائيل منذ اجواء ماقبل 67 وحتى الان.هى المعتدى كل يوم على الفلسطنيين وتصورهم ارهابيين.واصبحت امريكا تنتهج هى الاخرى هذه السياسة فى الاونة الاخيسرة عندما صرح مسئولون بوزارة الدفاع ان الطائرات الروسية تتفوق على الامريكية كنوع من الضغط على الادارة الامريكية لزيادة الانفاق العسكرى.