أهلا وسهلا بك زائرنا الكريم، اذا كانت هذه زيارتك الأولى للمنتدى، فيرجى التكرم بالاطلاع على القوانين بالضغط هنا. كما يشرفنا أن تقوم بالتسجيل بالضغط هنا إذا رغبت بالمشاركة في المنتدى، أما إذا رغبت بقراءة المواضيع والإطلاع فتفضل بزيارة المواضيع التي ترغب.

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2

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 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون

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الـبلد : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Egypt110
التسجيل : 14/06/2010
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الدبـــابة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B3337910
الطـــائرة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B91b7610
المروحية : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 76af2b10

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 411


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مُساهمةموضوع: رد: هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون   هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Icon_m10الأربعاء 16 يونيو 2010 - 2:34

اسف نسيت المصدر
http://www.democraticunderground.com/discuss/duboard.php?az=show_topic&forum=102&topic_id=1120456

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الـبلد : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Egypt110
التسجيل : 14/06/2010
عدد المساهمات : 5975
معدل النشاط : 6717
التقييم : 438
الدبـــابة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B3337910
الطـــائرة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B91b7610
المروحية : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 76af2b10

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 411


هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Empty

مُساهمةموضوع: رد: هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون   هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Icon_m10الأربعاء 16 يونيو 2010 - 2:41

ودا تقرير قدمه البرادعى عن النووى فى مصر مجمله ان مصر تمتلك برنامج نووى سرى وانها فشلت فى تقديم سبب مقنع لوجود تسرب اشعاعى قرب مفاعل انشاص النووى
اقتباس :




IAEA: Egypt's Reporting Failures 'Matter of Concern'


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Nuclear Nonproliferation

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<!--#include virtual="/linked/head.inc"--> Paul Kerr
Egypt failed to disclose nuclear facilities, material, and experiments to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), according to a Feb. 14 report from agency Director-General Mohamed ElBaradei. There is no indication, however, that Egypt has a nuclear weapons program, and Cairo has either ceased the nuclear activities in question or placed them under IAEA monitoring.

The report labels Egypt’s reporting failures “a matter of concern” but adds that Egypt has cooperated with the investigation, and the agency’s findings so far are consistent with Egypt’s account of its nuclear program.

IAEA safeguards agreements require states-parties to the nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) to disclose certain civilian nuclear activities. They also allow the agency to monitor the countries’ nuclear facilities to ensure the facilities are not used to produce nuclear weapons. Egypt acceded to the NPT in 1981.

Egypt used “small amounts” of nuclear material to conduct experiments related to producing plutonium and enriched uranium, according to the report. Irradiating uranium in nuclear reactors produces plutonium, which then can be separated from the spent nuclear fuel by “reprocessing” technology. Uranium enrichment increases the concentration of the uranium-235 isotope to produce both low-enriched uranium, which is used by most nuclear reactors, as well as highly enriched uranium (HEU). HEU and plutonium are also the two types of fissile material used in nuclear weapons.

Egypt, however, does not appear to have made much progress on either front and does not possess either reprocessing or uranium-enrichment facilities. (See ACT, January/February 2005.)

Cairo explained its reporting failures in a Jan. 25 press statement, asserting that the government and the IAEA had “differing interpretations” of Egypt’s safeguards obligations and emphasizing that the country’s “nuclear activities are strictly for peaceful purposes.” Egypt pursued a nuclear weapons option in the 1960s, but its efforts did not advance far.

According to the report, the IAEA’s investigation began after examining “open source documents” published by current and former Egyptian Atomic Energy Authority officials that indicated undeclared nuclear activities. The agency first raised the issue with Egyptian officials in September 2004 and subsequently conducted several inspections of Egypt’s nuclear facilities. ElBaradei, an Egyptian national, obliquely referred to the investigation in a November statement to the agency’s Board of Governors.

The IAEA is still analyzing environmental samples from relevant Egyptian facilities, as well as otherwise verifying Egypt’s accounts of its nuclear activities, the report says.

The agency is also investigating whether Egypt received assistance from a uranium-enrichment technology procurement network run by former Pakistani nuclear official Abdul Qadeer Khan, a diplomat in Vienna familiar with the investigation told Arms Control Today Feb. 19. The Egypt probe is part of a broader inquiry into whether a number of other countries—Morocco, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and Syria—were involved in the network, the diplomat said. The network’s known customers include Iran, Libya, and North Korea.

ElBaradei said in a Feb. 4 interview with Arms Control Today that Khan’s network may have had additional “satisfied or unsatisfied customers,” but he did not name any specific countries.

The IAEA report contains no evidence that Egypt received any assistance from the Khan network. Press reports, as well as U.S. and Israeli officials, have named other countries as possible customers of Khan’s network, but the publicly available evidence is thin.

Details
ElBaradei’s report does not provide specific dates for all of Egypt’s nuclear experiments but does say that some nuclear activities took place “between 15 and 40 years ago.”

Uranium
The report states that Egypt conducted uranium-conversion experiments before 1982 but does not provide an exact date. Converting uranium oxide into other uranium compounds is a key step in the uranium-enrichment process.

Egypt failed to report that it had produced “small amounts” of uranium compounds, including uranium tetrafluoride, to the IAEA. Converting uranium tetrafluoride into uranium hexafluoride is the last step to producing feedstock for uranium enrichment. Although Arms Control Today previously reported that Egypt had experimented with uranium hexafluoride, the country apparently did not do so.

The equipment used in the conversion processes has been “largely dismantled,” the report says.

Egypt also failed to include both imported and domestically produced nuclear material in its 1982 initial declaration to the IAEA, according to the report. The imported material included 67 kilograms of uranium tetrafluoride and approximately 9 kilograms of thorium compounds.

Although no nuclear plants currently use thorium, it can be irradiated to produce uranium-233, which can also be theoretically used as fissile material in nuclear weapons.

Egypt also failed to declare that it had imported and produced a total of 3 kilograms of uranium metal. Uranium metal is used as the explosive core in some nuclear weapons, but the metal Egypt produced could not be used for that purpose.
Plutonium
Egypt used its two research reactors, which are under IAEA safeguards, to irradiate “small amounts of natural uranium” between 1990 and 2003, conducting a total of 16 experiments, the reports says. Egypt also irradiated thorium in one of its reactors. Egypt dissolved the irradiated material but did not extract any uranium or plutonium.

Dissolving irradiated nuclear material is a key step in separating fissile material from spent nuclear fuel.

According to ElBaradei’s report, Egypt conducted “similar experiments” between 1982 and 1988, as well as before 1982, but Egyptian officials have not been able to locate the relevant documentation. The “continuing” irradiation experiments will now be under agency safeguards, the report says. The radioisotopes that could be produced by such experiments potentially have a number of civilian uses, including medical treatment.

Egypt also imported nuclear fuel rods containing enriched uranium to conduct experiments related to plutonium separation, the report says. Egypt did not report either the material or the experiments, which occurred prior to 1982, to the IAEA.

ElBaradei’s report also states that Egypt contracted with a “foreign company” in the late 1970s to build a pilot plant for conducting experiments involving the separation of plutonium and uranium from irradiated reactor fuel. Egypt tested the facility in 1987 with domestically produced nuclear material, but Cairo declared neither the tests nor the material to the IAEA, the report says. Egypt was unable to complete the facility, which is now being used for an unrelated project.

Additionally, the IAEA is also analyzing Egypt’s explanation for “traces” of nuclear material found in IAEA environmental samples taken from Egyptian hot cells. Hot cells are shielded rooms useful for separating plutonium. The IAEA first inquired about the sample results in 2001. Egypt responded in 2003, telling the agency that the particles came from contaminated reactor water.

ElBaradei’s report also notes that Cairo failed to disclose relevant information about its nuclear facilities. Egypt failed to declare the pilot plant for plutonium and uranium-separation experiments, as well as failed to provide design information for a new facility under construction. The latter facility is to be used for separating radioisotopes from enriched uranium, which is to be irradiated in one of Egypt’s research reactors. Cairo should have notified the IAEA in 1997 of its decision to build the facility, according to the report.
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الـبلد : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Egypt110
التسجيل : 14/06/2010
عدد المساهمات : 5975
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الدبـــابة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B3337910
الطـــائرة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B91b7610
المروحية : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 76af2b10

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 411


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مُساهمةموضوع: رد: هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون   هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Icon_m10الأربعاء 16 يونيو 2010 - 2:45

المصدر
http://www.armscontrol.org/act/2005_03/Egypt

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الـبلد : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 01210
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المروحية : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Unknow11


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مُساهمةموضوع: رد: هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون   هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Icon_m10الأربعاء 16 يونيو 2010 - 8:50

الدرع المصرى كتب:
المصدر
http://www.armscontrol.org/act/2005_03/Egypt

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هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728
هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186
أحنا ممكن منقلش خاين...
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الـبلد : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Egypt110
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الطـــائرة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B91b7610
المروحية : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 76af2b10

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 411


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مُساهمةموضوع: رد: هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون   هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Icon_m10الأربعاء 16 يونيو 2010 - 12:46

اقتباس :
http://www.armscontrol.org/act/2005_03/Egypt

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هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 839728
هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 907186
أحنا ممكن منقلش خاين...
ممكن نقول أنه أستجاب لضغوط مفروضه علي الوكاله منذ أنشائها...
وشخصيه مهزوزه مثل البرادعي لا تصلح بأي شكل من الاشكال لمنصب الرئاسه....





مصر فى هذا الموقف قدمت مبررات تشبه ما تقدمه اسرائيل من مبررات لكنه اذا تلقى مثل هذه المبررات من اسرائيل كان سيعلنها على علاتها كما هى دون حتى تعقيب شخصى اما فيما يخص مصر فان الامر يختلف شانه فى ذالك شان القائمين على جميع المنظمات الدوليه التى اشك والله انها ما اسست الا لتخدم الغرب و اسرائيل فى المقام الاول و لعل العراق ليس ببعيد

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الـبلد : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Egypt110
التسجيل : 14/06/2010
عدد المساهمات : 5975
معدل النشاط : 6717
التقييم : 438
الدبـــابة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B3337910
الطـــائرة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B91b7610
المروحية : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 76af2b10

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 411


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Weapons of Mass Destruction in the Middle East
Gitty M. Amini
Center for Nonproliferation Studies (CNS)
Monterey Institute of International Studies
February 2003
Issue Introduction

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Mideast_smOne of the most volatile and war-torn regions of the world, the Middle East is racked with disputes over religion, culture, land, and water. With the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in the region, these disputes have already brought about the use of these terrible tools of modern warfare, and concern regarding their future use lingers in the minds of citizens and leaders in the region and beyond. This issue brief first looks at the six key states in the region that possess WMD—Israel, Iraq, Iran, Libya, Syria, and Egypt—and their WMD capabilities and commitments to nonproliferation regimes. But more importantly, what motivates these key powers to acquire or produce WMD? And what options are available for defusing some of the conflicts and reducing the reliance on WMD?


Issue Brief

This issue brief gives a comprehensive overview of the issue of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in the Middle East by looking at:

  1. the capabilities and participation in nonproliferation regimes of the six key states in the region: Israel, Iraq, Iran, Libya, Syria, and Egypt;[1]
  2. the political, social, and economic incentives leading states to seek WMD; and
  3. options for limiting WMD in the region.
IA. Capabilities
This section gives a general overview of the current capabilities, both suspected and confirmed, of key states in the region. These are the states that have caused other countries and peoples, within and outside of the region, the most concern in terms of WMD acquisition and proliferation.

Israel
Nuclear
Israel has maintained an ambiguous official status in regard to its nuclear capabilities, neither confirming nor denying possession of nuclear weapons. This ambiguity has had its benefits and drawbacks for Israel. The widespread belief by its neighbors that Israel is a nuclear power has contributed to the deterrence of major actions hostile to its interests. However, it is also thought that its neighbors’ suspicions of its nuclear capability have increased tension and hampered regional negotiations. At the same time, the lack of official confirmation of its nuclear status keeps Israel from suffering the penalties imposed on newly pronounced nuclear states, such as economic sanctions and international legal condemnation. Most experts and analysts agree that Israel possesses sophisticated nuclear capabilities and has the most advanced nuclear program in the Middle East. Israel’s nuclear activity centers around the Dimona facility in the southern Negev desert.

Chemical
There is no confirmed evidence of Israeli production or stockpiling of such weapons, despite allegations of its possession of an advanced chemical weapons program. Suspicion has fallen on the activities of the Israel Institute for Biological Research in Ness Ziona, especially after the October 1992 discovery of about 50 gallons of dimethyl methylphosphonate at an El Al crash site in Amsterdam. The chemical—a possible precursor to the sarin nerve agent and a common simulant for weapons research—was destined for the Institute. The Israeli government denies such allegations and has offered benign explanations for any suspicious activities.

Biological
Despite a lack of credible evidence, rumors and allegations persist that Israel possesses an offensive biological weapons program. Most speculation centers around the Israel Institute of Biological Research in Ness Ziona and its activities. Arab critics of Israel have alleged that the Israeli military poisoned wells with typhoid and dysentery during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War; confirmation of these allegations is difficult to achieve.

Missiles
Israel has been developing missiles since the 1960s. Its extensive and comprenhensive missile capabilities include cruise and ballistic missiles, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and the Arrow theater defense missile system. By 1973, it had successfully developed the first-generation ballistic missile with a 500 km range, the Jericho-1. Israel first launched the 1,500 to 3,500 km-range, intermediate-range, two-stage ballistic missile—the Jericho 2—in 1986. It is also rumored to have completed the 4,800 km-range Jericho-3 and its improved space launcher the Shavit-1.
Iraq

Nuclear
Iraq is suspected of having an active, clandestine nuclear weapons program. In 1975, it commissioned the construction of a French nuclear reactor located in Tuwaitha. Despite the 1981 destruction of the reactor by Israel, the facility continued to enrich uranium and pursue other nuclear weapons efforts. By the 1991 Gulf War, the Iraqi program had advanced to the point of having completed a prototype design of a nuclear bomb, although it had not been tested. After its defeat in the war, Iraq was subjected to United Nations Special Commission on Iraq (UNSCOM) and International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspections to uncover and destroy its nuclear capabilities. However, these inspection teams were expelled in 1998 and had been denied access to any new or renewed facilities and sites until November 2002. As a result of the four-year absence of inspectors, experts estimate that Baghdad’s nuclear program has progressed significantly and may be as little as one year from completing a nuclear weapon.[2]

Chemical
Iraq is believed to have made widespread use of chemical agents during its war with Iran (Iran-Iraq War 1980-88) and against its own Kurdish population in northern Iraq, including in Halabja, in 1988. Prior to 1990, Iraq had produced the blister agent mustard and the nerve agents tabun, sarin, and VX. According to its own admissions to UN inspectors, Iraq had produced 3,859 tons of agents and more than 125,000 filled and unfilled “special munitions” between 1982 and 1990. Iraq’s main chemical weapons production, filling, and testing facility was at the Muthana State Establishment, where most of the weaponized chemical agents were stored. By 1995, international inspectors had largely completed verification and destruction of Iraq’s chemical stocks, munitions, and production equipment. However, the United States believes that Iraq continues to have a significant, secret stockpile of chemical agents, especially nerve agents, and that it has largely rebuilt its chemical weapons research and production infrastructure.

Biological
Iraq has had a biological weapon program since 1985. By 1990, it had stockpiled 25 missile warheads and 166 400-pound aerial bombs filled with anthrax, botullinum toxin, or aflatoxin. Iraq has admitted to having about 20,000 liters of boulinum toxin, 8,425 liters of anthrax, and 2,200 liters of aflatoxin. It has also acknowledged having researched the weapons potential of camelpox virus, human rotavirus, enterovirus 17, and the toxin ricin. Due to the absence of inspectors between December 1998 and November 2002, little is known about the status of Iraq’s BW program.

Missiles

Throughout the 1970s and into the 1980s, Iraq purchased considerable numbers of short-range Scud missiles and launchers from the Soviet Union. In the late 1980s, towards the end of its war with Iran, Iraq extended the range of the Scud to 650 km, using many of these modified missiles for the remainder of the Iran-Iraq War and in the 1991 Gulf War. After Iraq’s defeat in the 1991 war, UN inspections put a halt to its range of missile projects that Iraq had pursued with extensive foreign assistance. However, it has continued to develop various ballistic missile systems under the restrictions of the Gulf War ceasefire resolution, which limit the range of missiles to 150 km. Amongst the missiles are the Ababil and the Al-Samoud, which Iraq continues to test and for which it continues to seek foreign assistance.
Iran

Nuclear
In the 1970s, under the rule of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Iran began a nuclear power program and a nuclear weapons research program. However, progress on these programs was halted as a result of the Islamic Revolution in 1979. In 1984, it is believed that Iran revived its efforts in gaining nuclear capabilities, resuming its power program and beginning a suspected covert weapons acquisition policy. Iran possesses five research reactors and two partially constructed power reactors at Bushehr. It has been actively pursuing international (most notably Russian) expertise and cooperation in completing the two Bushehr plants. Despite repeated assertions by Iran’s critics, especially by the United States, that the Islamic regime has diverted its efforts from peaceful nuclear energy to weapons uses, the IAEA has not been able to confirm such accusations.

Chemical

The U.S. Department of Defense reports that Iran’s chemical weapons program started in 1983 as a response to Iraq’s use of chemical weapons against Iran in the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988). The United States believes that Iran produced its first chemical agent in 1984, and since then, cumulative production is “a minimum several hundred tons of blister, blood, and choking agents.”[3] In addition to the suspected stockpiles, it is estimated that Iran can produce 1,000 metric tons of agent per year. Iran strongly denies these allegations.

Biological
Iran’s biological weapons program was also initiated in the early part of the war with Iraq. According to the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA) and the U.S. Department of Defense, Iran conducts research on toxins and organisms, has produced biological warfare agents, and apparently has weaponized a small quantity of those agents, possibly including mycotoxins, ricin, and the smallpox virus.[4] Iran strongly denies producing biological weapons.

Missiles
Iran’s building of a missile arsenal has involved both the purchase of complete missile systems from abroad and the development of indigenous systems. Suppliers of missile components and technology to Iran include North Korea, China, and Russia. Iran purchased Scud-B, Scud-C, and Nodong missiles from North Korea and the short-range solid-fueled NP-110 (Silkworm) missile from China. Its indigenous variations of the Scud-B and Scud-C are called Shahab-1 and -2 respectively. The Shahab-3, with an approximate range of 1,300 km, is based on North Korea’s Nodong-1 design but is produced domestically. There are contradicting accounts as to the outcome of the Shahab-3 tests. More controversy surrounds the Shahab-4, thought to be a 2,000 km-range ballistic missile based on North Korea’s Taepodong-2 technology. There is dispute about whether Iran is actively pursuing its completion: officials deny the existence of the program while others claim it has progressed to the test phase. There are also allegations about Iran’s plans for even more advanced systems including the Shahab-5 and the Kosar or Shahab-6 intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM).
Libya

Nuclear

Suspicions about the regime of Colonel Muammar Qaddafi continue to spawn allegations of Libya’s pursuit of nuclear capability. However, Libya’s lack of material, technical, and financial resources makes in unlikely that it has progressed very far with a nuclear weapons program. Its only significant nuclear facility is the complex at Taruja, which houses a Soviet-supplied 10 megawatt research reactor. Two 440 megawatt reactors promised by the Soviets in the late 1980s were never started due to the decline of the Soviet Union. More recently, after 1998 and the lifting of the UN sanctions against Libya, Russia has renewed its interest in aiding Libya to renovate the Taruja complex.

Chemical
There is much evidence of Libya’s active acquisition efforts and use of chemical weapons. It is well documented that Libya used Iranian-supplied mustard gas against Chad in 1987, making it one of only a handful of nations to have engaged in chemical warfare. Additionally, U.S. intelligence reports allege that Libya has ongoing chemical weapons production facilities in Tarnhunah and Rabta, both outside Tripoli.

Biological
Allegations persist that Libya is actively conducting research in pathogens and toxins for military uses in violation of its obligations under the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC). It is thought that the chemical weapon plants at Rabta and Tarhunah may also conduct research in biological weaponry. Moreover, U.S. intelligence reports claim that Qaddafi’s regime has tried to recruit South African scientists to further its biological weapons research. It is estimated that Libya is several years from attaining a significant indigenous biological weapons capability.

Missiles
Libya’s arsenal of Scud-B missiles was first acquired in the 1970s from the Soviet Union. In the early 1980s, Libya began its 950 km-range al-Fatah ballistic missile program with the assistance of China and Germany. The al-Fatah missile system is still incomplete and untested. Since the lifting of international sanctions in 1998, Libya has received renewed technical aid and component supplies from countries like North Korea, Iran, China, India, and Russia. North Korean aid may have been the most substantial, ranging from the loan of ten North Korean scientists to the $600 million deal to sell Libya 50 Nodong ballistic missiles, including launch capabilities.
Syria

Nuclear
Despite Israeli and American concerns about Syria’s nuclear weapons ambitions, there is little evidence that point to much activity. Syria lacks the infrastructure and financial ability to pursue an indigenous nuclear weapons program. Syria’s only nuclear reactor, a 30 megawatt research reactor in Dayr al-Jajar, is under IAEA inspections safeguards. Various negotiations with China, Argentina, and Russia to expand Syria’s nuclear infrastructure failed until its agreement with Russia in May 1999. Russia has agreed to supply Syria with at least one light water reactor, which will be subject to IAEA safeguards.

Chemical
Syria is believed to have one of the most extensive chemical weapons programs in the developing world. Its initial chemical warfare program and stockpile of chemical agents were allegedly supplied by Egypt in 1973 prior to the October War with Israel. Other alleged suppliers are the Soviet Union, Russia, various European countries, and India. It is also believed that Syria now has an indigenous capability to produce and weaponize nerve agents, such as sarin and VX, and blister agents, such as mustard. Syria has fit Scud-B and Scud-C missiles with chemical warheads and, in 1999, is believed to have tested a Scud-B with a warhead able to disperse VX. There are thought to be at least three facilities in Syria that are currently producing chemical weapons: near Damascus, Hama, and Safira village (in Aleppo).

Biological
There is limited and contradictory information regarding Syria’s biological weapons capability. German and Israeli sources claim it possesses athrax, botulinum toxin, and ricin. Others, however, maintain that Syria has not progressed beyond the research phase. It has a pharmaceutical infrastructure that could support a limited biological weapons program, and its trade relations with Western Europe, Russia, and North Korea have included a wide range of dual-use equipment and supplies.

Missiles
Syria’s missile program, which began in the 1970s, was initially intended to counter the superior military capability of Israel, but has since evolved as part of Syria’s chemical warfare strategy. Syria now has one of the largest ballistic missile arsenals in the region, made up of hundreds of Scud-derived missile systems. In the 1970s and 1980s, it relied on the Soviets for its missiles program, importing the Soviet FROG-7, Scud-Bs, and the solid-fueled Scarab SS-21. In the 1990s, Iran supplied Syria with assistance for solid-fueled rocket motor production, and North Korea supplied equipment and technical assistance for liquid-fueled missile production. However, Syria has had difficulty developing an indigenous missile production capability and has had to continue to import components and complete systems from North Korea and China. In 1991, it reportedly purchased 150 Scud-C missiles from North Korea. In September 2000, it tested a North Korean, 700 km-range Scud-D missile, suggesting that it is actively seeking to gain more advanced missile capability.
Egypt

Nuclear
Egypt’s nuclear program seems to have been limited to research for power generation purposes since it began in the late 1950s. Its Inshas Nuclear Research Center hosts a Soviet- supplied 2 megawatt research reactor and an Argentine-supplied 22 megawatt light water research reactor. In the 1970s, there was some consideration given to pursuing nuclear weapons capability, however, it would appear that this goal has been abandoned. More recently, Egypt has publicly supported a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. Its commitment to nuclear nonproliferation is partly motivated by Egypt’s rivalry with Israel and its suspicion of Israel’s nuclear weapons capability.

Chemical
Egypt has had a long history of alleged involvement with chemical weapons. There are reports that it inherited British stockpiles of mustard gas after the British withdrawal in 1954, and that it received chemical weapons assistance from the Soviet Union during the Cold War. There is strong evidence that the Egyptian military employed mustard and phosgene during the Yemeni Civil War of 1962-1967. This makes Egypt one of the few states to have engaged in chemical warfare. It is thought that Egypt also has nerve agent and psychoactive chemical capabilities, in addition to a well-developed infrastructure, support system, and possible delivery capabilities. Egypt publicly denies possessing chemical weapons.

Biological
There is no corroborated evidence that Egypt is actively conducting research on biological weapons. Also, most analysts believe that Egypt lacks the infrastructure to convert its civilian technical strength in microbiology to weapons production. There are, however, allegations by Israel that Egypt has conducted research on anthrax, plague, botulinum toxin, and Rift Valley Fever virus for military purposes. Egypt strongly denies these allegations.

Missiles
Egypt’s missile program began in the 1960s with three short- and medium-range missile designs that were abandoned before coming to fruition in 1966 due to the withdrawal of West Germany’s technological assistance. In the 1980s, Egypt’s missile program resumed with cooperation from Iraq and Argentina; the goal was to develop a short-range solid-fueled missile. It has had considerable success developing an indigenous Scud-B and an enhanced Scud-C manufacturing with the aid of North Korea. There are reports that Egypt entered an agreement to purchase North Korea’s 1,000 km-range Nodong missile in 2001.
IB. Participation in Nonproliferation Regimes
Having incomplete signing and ratification records and mixed success in adherence, the key Middle East powers’ participation in nonproliferation regimes is a point of controversy within the region and a source of frustration for the international community.

Israel

Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)
Israel refuses to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). This is partly due to Israel’s policy of maintaining an ambiguous nuclear status and so that Israel can keep its options open in the future. In many respects, this has been a more honest policy than those of other countries that strive to acquire nuclear capability in violation of their commitments to the NPT.

Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC)
Israel signed the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) in 1993, but has yet to ratify it.

Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BWC)
Israel refuses to sign the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BWC). In 2001, it initiated a review of this policy, but no change has come about as a result of the re-analysis.

Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR)
Israel has signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and is considering ratification. Israel is not a member of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), but has pledged to follow its guidelines.
Iraq

NPT
Although Iraq acceded to the NPT in 1969, it had not been in compliance with the NPT’s verification requirements between 1998 and 2002. In December 1998, Saddam Hussein’s regime expelled the weapons inspections team mandated by the IAEA and the UN, the United Nations Special Commission on Iraq (UNSCOM). Iraq remained non-compliant with the terms of the NPT until November 2002, when it allowed the readmission of IAEA and UN inspectors (now called UNMOVIC, the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission) after intense American and international pressure.

CWC
Iraq refuses to sign or ratify the CWC.

BWC
Iraq was required to sign and ratify the BWC as a condition of the 1991 Gulf War cease-fire agreement. However, given the weak nature of the BWC’s enforcement mechanisms, Iraq’s compliance with the terms of the BWC is not assured.
Iran

NPT
Iran acceded to the NPT in 1970. Under its obligations to the NPT, Iran has been periodically subjected to inspections by the IAEA. It has apparently cooperated with the inspectors and the IAEA has not found evidence of Iran’s supposed violations of NPT restrictions. However, the IAEA and Iran have been in discussion since the latter half of 2002 and will continue to conduct talks in 2003 to address the IAEA’s request for an additional safeguards protocol given suspicions of Iran’s accelerated nuclear efforts.

CWC
Iran ratified the CWC in 1997.

BWC
Iran ratified the BWC in 1973.
Libya

NPT
Libya ratified the NPT in 1975 and came under IAEA safeguards in 1980.

CWC
Libya refuses to sign or ratify the CWC.

BWC
Libya acceded to the BWC in 1982. However, given the weak nature of the BWC’s enforcement mechanisms, Libya’s compliance with the terms of the BWC is not assured.
Syria

NPT
Syria signed the NPT in 1968 and ratified it in 1969.

CWC
Syria has refused to sign or ratify the CWC.

BWC
Syria acceded to the BWC in 1972, but has not ratified it. However, given the weak nature of the BWC’s enforcement mechanisms, Syria’s compliance with the terms of the BWC is not assured.
Egypt

NPT
Egypt acceded to the NPT in 1981 and has been implementing the comprehensive safeguards under the IAEA inspection regime since 1982. However, since the 1995 Review and Extension Conference, Egypt has been one of the NPT’s most vocal critics. Irritated by Israel’s ambiguous nuclear status, Egypt is frustrated by the international community’s inability to pressure or punish Israel for refusing to sign the NPT.

CWC
Egypt refuses to sign or ratify the CWC.

BWC
Egypt acceded to the BWC in 1972. However, given the weak nature of the BWC’s enforcement mechanisms, Iraq’s compliance with the terms of the BWC is not assured.
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II. Incentives for Seeking WMD
The decision for each of these Middle Eastern states to acquire or produce WMD is varied and complex. Below is a summary of the incentives for seeking WMD and how these incentives apply to each state individually.

Security Issues
The main responsibility of a state is to maintain the safety of its national interests and boundaries. If it perceives threats to its safety, it is obliged to neutralize those threats and secure its interests. WMD are attractive and, oftentimes, cost-efficient ways to boost a nation’s level of security. For instance, a nation that lacks man-power may find WMD more practical for self-defense than maintaining a large standing army. It may rely upon the deterrent value of WMD to prevent its enemies from encroaching on its interests. Each nation of concern in the Middle East has significant security concerns with others in the region and with states outside the region.

Regional Politics
Many Middle Eastern states are engaged in competition over influence in the region. The high stakes involved in some of these issue areas intensifies the competition. For example, much of the Middle East is populated by ethnic Arabs and there is a sense of solidarity amongst Arabs that transcends the existing political boundaries. This solidarity is often referred to as “Pan-Arabism” or the idea of the existence of an “Arab nation.” Many national leaders have attempted to become the champion of Arabs everywhere, to duplicate what President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt did in the 1960s. Thus, the relationship between Saddam Hussein of Iraq, former President Hafez al-Asad of Syria, deceased King Hussein of Jordan, Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat, and Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak has often been tense and uneasy. Each of these leaders has tried to trump the others and claim to represent the interests of all Arabs. WMD may have been seen as one way to show one’s strength, to dominate the politics of the region, and to gain popular Arab support.
Global and Extraregional Pressures
Competition and pressures between states are not confined to the region. Middle Eastern states may perceive threats from beyond the region that prompt them to seek WMD arsenals. Historically, Middle Eastern leaders have been suspicious of the colonial powers, then of the Cold War superpowers, and now of the great powers, the United States in particular. For instance, many Arab and Muslim states have been highly critical of the U.S. role in the Israeli-Palestinian dispute. They consider the United States’s involvement as biased in favor of the Israelis, and they resent American “meddling” in Middle Eastern affairs. Part of their rationale for obtaining WMD capabilities may include the idea that by increasing their military strength, they can counterbalance the influence of outside powers and perhaps even deter such outsiders from meddling at all.
Another way that global pressure tempts Middle Eastern states to acquire WMD is through trade. Some states with advanced technology may have an economic interest in capitalizing on the sale of such technologies. For example, some of the communist and formerly communist states of the Soviet bloc have encountered economic hardship and may choose to cash in on their nuclear or missile manufacturing capabilities. North Korea and Russia are the most obvious examples. The availability of such military assistance and the willingness of supplier states to proliferate WMD is a great temptation to regional states.

Each Nation’s Domestic Politics
Many Middle Eastern governments feel the pressure to highlight their strength and accomplishments by building impressive armies and acquiring advanced weaponry. Especially in the event of “going nuclear,” acquisition of WMD capability encourages a sense of national pride in the population and may enhance the position and popularity of the regime in power. The government may be able to stave off a challenge by the opposition if it can portray itself as the staunchest defender of the country’s military might. Thus, governments can find it difficult to resist the temptation to build up WMD capabilities.

Economics and Trade Concerns
The lucrative commodities of oil and natural gas can make economic disagreements in the Middle East far from benign. Control over drilling rights, shipping lanes, and pipeline routes are so central to the development of many of these states that they are considered both economic and strategic/military concerns. As a consequence, states may be tempted to rely on military solutions to protect their economic and trade interests. The clash between Iraq and Kuwait in 1990, which led to Iraq’s eventual invasion of its small neighbor, partially stemmed from a dispute over drilling rights in the oil fields shared by both nations. Hence, sophisticated weaponry may be seen as an avenue to protect trade and economic interests.
Country by Country Examination of the Incentives:

Israel
Surrounded by hostile neighbors, the state of Israel has always felt its existence threatened. Since its declaration of statehood in 1948, it has been in a nearly constant state of war with Arab and Palestinian parties. Israel has engaged in wars with Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Jordan, and Lebanon and is now embroiled in conflict with the Palestinian population within its own borders. In addition to the direct threats posed by its immediate neighbors, Israel feels that its security is threatened by other states in the region. One prominent example is Iran’s financial and logistical support for Palestinian Islamic Jihad and other extremist terrorist groups who target Israel.
However, while Israel attempts to maintain its security through military strength, it faces international pressure to moderate its actions against Palestinians. The UN has repeatedly criticized Israel for using too heavy a hand in dealing with terrorist threats by Palestinian militias. Also, Israel’s perceived military superiority has led its neighbors to counterbalance by building multilateral coalitions to pressure Israel. This shows how overwhelming strength can sometimes become a liability, a paradox called the “security dilemma.” Israel must find the right balance between its ability to secure its population and the impact its might will have on other states in the world.

Iraq
Iraq’s defeat in the 1991 Gulf War did not lessen its regime’s ambitions for national and regional dominance. Saddam Hussein considers Iraq’s WMD capabilities an important source of power and legitimacy for his government and an international bargaining chip vis-à-vis the international community.
Iraq has shown its willingness to employ the threat and the actual use of chemical weapons on its domestic populations in order to maintain control over dissidents. The current regime has a tenuous hold over the Kurdish regions of Iraq’s north and over the Shi’ite Arabs of the nation’s south, but is determined to retain sovereignty over these areas. Hampered by the international no-fly zones and by its dire economic straits, Iraq has had difficulty providing services or maintaining normal governmental control over these internal regions. Thus, it has opted for military measures, including the threat of WMD use, to keep opposition forces in check.
In defiance of the United States’s and international community’s policy of keeping Iraq weak, Iraq is seeking to re-establish itself as a regional power. Saddam Hussein’s vision of Iraq’s potential power stems from its status as the holder of the world’s second largest petroleum reserve, as one of the Middle East’s most populated countries, and as the world’s fourth largest military prior to its devastation in 1991. However, due to the economic sanctions regime imposed on Iraq after the Gulf War, Iraq has limited options in furthering its goals. It has, therefore, turned to clandestine WMD programs to enhance its power.

Iran
Since its Islamic Revolution of 1979, Iran has struggled to maintain its position as a regional leader. After the overthrow of the Shah and the assumption of the Shi’ite Islamist theocracy, Iran has suffered from American economic sanctions and from its protracted war with Iraq. These two factors have significantly reduced its conventional military strength and Iran strongly desires military and strategic parity with its neighbors, especially Iraq, Pakistan, Turkey, the Caspian states, the Persian Gulf states, and Israel. Iran has ongoing political and economic rivalries with each of these groups: for instance, Iran and Iraq have been competing to dominate the Persian Gulf region for many years, and Iran’s concerns with Turkey and the former Soviet republics of the Caspian region center around oil and natural gas access and shipping rights. Moreover, Iran’s concerns with much more powerful, global powers, such as Russia, the United States and Israel, lead it to seek WMD strength in addition to conventional strength.
In addition to regional and global incentives, Iran faces domestic pressures to expand its WMD programs. Since the revolution that swept it into power, the Islamic Republic has consistently fallen short of the high hopes its people have had. Apologists for the regime point to the economic isolation imposed on it and the devastation of the eight-year Iran-Iraq War as reasons for Iran’s failure to match the economic prosperity of the Shah years. However, 23 years of excuses have worn thin and much of the population of Iran is restlessly looking for signs of progress. This has given rise to a popular reform movement, personified by President Mohammad Khatami, which is viewed suspiciously by the conservative ruling clerics. Iran’s efforts to build a strong and technologically advanced military may be seen as a way for the regime to provide a conspicuous sign of progress to its population.

Libya
Since the revolution that brought him to power in 1969, Libya’s Colonel Muammar Qaddafi has at some point alienated each of Libya’s neighbors in the region and many countries beyond. His radical ideology, support for rebels movements around the world, and financial backing of terrorist groups have made him unpopular through much of the world. The ever-changing nature of Libya’s relations with others makes its alliances very fluid and unstable. Therefore, Libya’s most reliable security partner is actually just itself; ultimately, it must be self-sufficient in security and military terms.
As with the other Arab states, Libya is also concerned about Israel and the Palestinian question. It has been militant in its opposition to the state of Israel and to the peace process. Far from making it the champion of the Arab and Palestinian cause, its militancy on this issue has caused tension with other Arab states. Libya has been critical of each state that has come to an agreement with Israel. Enhanced military capabilities might serve Libya’s twin goals of eliminating Israel and of becoming the leader of the “Pan-Arab Nation.”
Libya was the target of U.S. military attacks and economic sanctions in the 1980s and 1990s, as well as a UN economic sanctions regime from 1992 to 1999. These punishments took their toll on Libya’s economy and by the late 1990s, Qaddafi seemed to be willing to comply with international norms of conduct. However, it is unclear whether Qaddafi has actually learned his lesson or if he has merely decided to overtly placate the international community while covertly pursuing his own agenda. If so, he may not have abandoned his efforts to obtain WMD, but is simply more secretive about his attempts to do so.

Syria
As one of Israel’s immediate neighbors, Syria has been embroiled in rivalry with it since Israel’s creation. Unlike Israel’s other traditional foes, namely Egypt and Jordan, Syria has not come to a peace settlement with the Jewish state. Syria and Israel had most recently been engaged in ongoing hostilities using Lebanon as their proxy battlefield. Given this continued tension, Syria’s strategic calculations must involve Israel. Thus, Israel’s military superiority remains of primary concern to the regime of Bashar al-Asad.
Syria has also long been concerned about its neighbor to the north, Turkey. These two countries have experienced tension due to disagreements over water rights, Syria’s alleged support of Kurdish separatists fighting against Turkey, and Turkey’s policies toward Israel, the West, and Iraq. The water issue revolves around the head waters of the Euphrates River and over the joint management of their shared coastline. Also, Turkey claims that Syria has harbored elements of the group Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), an armed insurrection group aimed at gaining the independence of the Kurdish region from Turkey. The Turks, on the other hand, have frequently alarmed the Syrians by trying to gain control over Iraq’s northern Kurdish region, becoming cozy with NATO and the West, and getting closer to Israel in the 1990s.
Syria’s other major regional rivalry involves Iraq. Even though both countries’ governments are Ba’athist, their nominal and historical roots do not mean that they have always agreed with each other’s goals or policies. Rather, each side tried to prove itself the authentic representative of secular Arab nationalism, at the expense of the other. Relations between Damascus and Baghdad were severed in the 1980s when Syria sided with Iran in its war against Iraq. However, since the assumption of Bashar al-Assad to the Presidency of Syria, he has made a concerted effort to reach out to Iraq. Alarmed by military cooperation between Turkey and Israel and by the collapse of the Palestinian-Israeli peace process, Syria sought closer ties with Iraq. The two states have struck agreements to cooperate in the economic and military realms: Syria provides Iraq with avenues to circumvent many of the restrictions placed on it by the UN and by economic sanctions.

Egypt
Egypt has traditionally considered itself a leader of the Arab countries and has positioned itself as the main balancer to Israel’s power. This drive for regional influence translates into a need to maintain a competitive military force. The pressure to keep current with technology and military strength may be particularly acute as Egypt compares itself to Israel. Israel, the most militarily advanced nation in the region, has won all of the wars fought with Egypt.
In addition to regional incentives, Egypt faces domestic, political, and economic pressures for seeking advanced WMD. President Hosni Mubarak’s regime has been fending off the rising challenges of Islamic opposition movements, growing popular pressure to support the Palestinian intifada, and an economic downturn. The stability of the Mubarak regime has been under attack since 1992 by the armed opposition groups of Islamic Jihad and Islamic Group, which have employed public criticism and political violence to undermine the regime’s credibility. Egypt’s official reactions have included military countermeasures and martial crackdowns. Egypt’s government may feel that WMD policies will enhance its prestige and hold on power.
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III. Options for Limiting Middle East WMD
What are the options for limiting Middle East WMD? The following processes and actions could be key components in the daunting task of making this region more secure.

The Palestinian-Israeli Peace Process
The Peace Process between the Israelis and the Palestinians refers to the series of agreements and talks wherein the parties were negotiating a peace settlement and the conditions for the establishment of a Palestinian state. An ongoing process, it began in 1993 with the Oslo Declaration of Principles and continued in 1998 with the Nye River Memorandum, but was abruptly stopped in September 2000 due to disputes over the terms of the final settlement. Since then, relations between the Palestinian Authority and the Israeli government have virtually ceased with the election of Ariel Sharon as Israeli Prime Minister and with the start of the Palestinian uprising, known as the second al-Aqsa intifada.
A series of destabilizing incidents have been linked to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. There are the obvious escalatory actions between the two main parties, such as the many suicide bombings carried out by Palestinians and the series of Israeli raids and re-occupations of Palestinian towns in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. As the cycle of violence and reprisal continues, it threatens to spread to other neighboring states and conflicts.
Incidents not directly related to the situation in Israel are still considered linked to, and perhaps, caused by it. For example, in October 2002, the senior diplomat and administrator of the American foreign aid organization, USAID, was shot dead in Amman, Jordan. Even though Jordan is generally considered a stable, pro-Western state, this act showed that anti-American sentiment is a strong current in the general population, the majority of whom are ethnically Palestinian. Similarly, attacks on American military interests in the Persian Gulf region throughout the summer and fall of 2002 indicate resentment of the presence of U.S. armed forces in the area. After such events, when responsibility for such actions is claimed or discussed, one prevailing argument is that such actions are in retaliation for U.S. support of Israel, which is perceived as heavily “pro-Israeli” and unfairly “anti-Palestinian.”
The continued conflict between the Palestinians and the Israelis has polarized the region, leading Middle Eastern parties to pick sides, keeping the level of tension high. Reducing the amount of violence between the Israeli and Palestinian populations may eliminate many of the incentives and justifications for escalating violence and arms build-ups. A renewal of the Peace Process may be an important part of a comprehensive approach to eliminating WMD in the Middle East.

Unilateral Measures
In addition to acting in concert with others, states—especially the great powers such as the United States—can act alone to thwart proliferation and to encourage arms control and disarmament. Specific examples of these strategies include applying economic and military pressure on states that sell WMD to others, imposing economic sanctions against corporations that sell supplies or dual-use technologies to proliferating states, threatening military action against violators of international agreements, and enhancing activism by the United States as the “hegemon.”

Pressure on Supplier States
WMD proliferation involves two parties: those who wish to acquire the capability and those who furnish it. It is not sufficient to merely punish those who are tempted to attain WMD. States also need to thwart foreign governments that are tempted to transfer WMD components to others. For example, Russia, despite being party to the MTCR, which prohibits the transfer of missile technology to states that do not already possess such technology, has sold ballistic missile components and know-how to Middle Eastern states, like Iran and Iraq. Since the MTCR is a voluntary agreement, there are no formal institutional consequences for violating its terms. Thus, individual member states must be willing to punish violators of such nonproliferation norms if they are to have any effectiveness. Public exposure, economic punishments, and other international pressures have had success in curbing the sales of WMD technologies from European states, such as Germany, and have begun to have success with Russia as well.

Sanctions against Multinational Corporations (MNCs)
Often, states that gain from selling WMD arms claim not to be officially involved in such trafficking by hiding behind the private status of their national businesses. Thus, pressure on governments is not enough—their corporations must be pressured as well. The United States has been very active in imposing penalties on foreign companies that have sold arms to Iraq, Iran, Libya, and Pakistan. In 2001 and 2002, the U.S. Department of State placed approximately 12 Chinese, one Indian, and a number of Moldovan companies on its sanctions list. It used the authority of U.S. domestic laws[5] prohibiting the American government from doing business with foreign corporations that sell nuclear, chemical, biological, or missile technologies to highlight the activities of these transnational corporations.

Accountability of Treaty Violators
While many international treaties have built-in enforcement measures, member states may also act unilaterally in conjunction with the international agencies. In fact, reliance on the formal safeguards alone may not be sufficient to prevent and deter WMD proliferation. For example, Iraq’s refusal to submit to IAEA inspections as required under the NPT lasted from 1998 to 2002, despite institutional and multilateral pressure from the UN and its member states. It was not until the renewed focus and threat of unilateral action from the United States in 2002 that Iraq agreed to submit to inspections. Thus, individual states with sufficient leverage may reinforce the incentive and disincentive structures set up by the formal treaties.

U.S. Hegemony and Policy of “Pre-emption”
As the richest and most militarily powerful nation in the world, the United States holds a uniquely influential role in international politics and can expand its role in preventing the spread of WMD. The Bush administration has made this issue more of a priority, labeling Iraq, Iran, and North Korea as constituting an “Axis of Evil” in large part due to their WMD ambitions. As the hegemon, or the predominant power in the global system, the United States can bring its own weight and that of other states and international organizations to bear on these states of concern. Thus, in dealing with Iraq, the United States has been able to line up the UN Security Council members in support of Resolution 1441[6] condemning Iraq’s efforts at obtaining WMD capabilities.
In addition to the general manner in which the United States can influence states, its adoption of the policy of “pre-emption” is a novel specific approach to combating WMD proliferation. Announced as a new National Security Strategy of the Bush administration in June 2002, pre-emption shifts the United States from a traditional reactive defensive posture to one of proactive defense. Under the premise that “the best defense is a good offense,” this strategy calls for pre-emptory action by the United States if it feels its security to be under threat. Rather than waiting for the threat to be actualized, the United States would act beforehand to prevent the threat. By taking a tough stand, the U.S. administration hopes to dissuade states from proliferating WMD. Iraq appears to be one of the first targets of this new strategy; pre-emption may be applied to others as well.

Regime Change
Saddam Hussein’s regime in Iraq has increasingly become marginalized in the region and in the world community. The main reason for this is Saddam Hussein’s aggressive ambitions. In the Persian Gulf region, Iraq has proven its expansionistic intent by its invasions of two of its neighbors: Iran in 1980 and Kuwait in 1990. Iraq’s immediate neighbors are further threatened by Iraq’s possession of and willingness to use chemical weapons. Slightly more distant neighbors are also concerned about the range of Iraq’s missiles. For instance, Israel is considered a likely target of Iraqi Scud missiles. Finally, the global community is concerned with Iraq’s suspected nuclear, chemical, and biological capabilities and the possibility that Iraq may transfer such weapons to terrorist organizations.
As a result of the threat posed by Saddam Hussein, the United States—backed by Britain and the UN—has committed itself to seek the replacement of the current Iraqi government. The logic of this line of argument is that while the proliferation of WMD is always of concern, the possible threats are compounded when such capabilities are sought by aggressive regimes such are Saddam Hussein’s.

Regional Cooperation
Multilateral talks and cooperation that include most of the states in the region may be another avenue for resolving problems. The strength of multilateral cooperation is that it provides a forum through which issues that cross many borders can be tackled—issues that ultimately require coordinated action to resolve. Thus, a multilateral track is another dimension of negotiations, supplementing bilateral talks.
The Middle East Arms Control and Regional Security (ACRS) working group, one of five multilateral groups—the only one devoted to discussion of security issues—met between 1992 and 1995. Prior to its suspension in 1995, ACRS held six plenary sessions during which the 15 regional parties focused on confidence-building measures (CBMs) with each other. These included creating a communication network across the region; coordinating search and rescue operations; pre-notifying each other of military activities; striking maritime agreements; and establishing regional security centers in Jordan, Qatar, and Tunisia, among other measures. The rationale for such agreements is that greater linkages and cooperation between these states will provide greater opportunities for communication, thus offering new means of preventing conflicts and reducing suspicions of one another. Reduced tensions and perceptions of threat may reduce their desire to seek WMD capabilities. Renewing such a multilateral security forum may be useful in combating the proliferation of WMD.
However, even the multilateral working groups discussing issues not directly related to WMD may still have a positive effect on the region’s security environment. For example, three of the working groups tried to continue their work after the 1995 breakdown of the ACRS track: the groups on refugees, water resources, and the environment. These issue areas are lightning rods for disagreements and disputes between the parties in the Middle East. The scarcity of water and relatively large numbers of migrants in the region make these issues more directly related to security than they might be elsewhere. A greater emphasis on these sorts of multi-party negotiations could be helpful in lowering the general level of tension in the region.

Strengthening Existing International Treaties or Regimes and Creating New Ones
The monitoring, inspection, and enforcement mechanisms of existing international treaties are not always as effective as they can be. As mentioned in the previous section, the BWC lacks a formal safeguard process and its draft protocol suffers from a number of loopholes and a lack of universal support. As a result, the BWC essentially functions on the honor system, a problem when those suspected of violating it do not act honorably. The questions before the members of the BWC at their annual reviews are whether and how to strengthen the BWC. It is thought that an effective, yet not overly burdensome, series of measures may be found. First, the BWC’s self-reporting requirements can be tightened up so that states must declare their biological weapons activities more accurately. Making them more obligatory than voluntary may increase compliance rates as long as the reporting requirements are minimally costly to legitimate commercial entities. Another measure under consideration is adding an inspection component, which may add strength to the BWC but must also be minimally intrusive to civilian pharmaceutical and bio-research activities. Finding the right balance between these two concerns is the difficult challenge before the BWC membership.

Even the most comprehensive treaty, the NPT, can be strengthened. The first problem is that the NPT is not universal. Israel, India, and Pakistan are not parties to the treaty. Also, the CTBT, designed to stop nuclear states from testing, may be under some jeopardy, as the U.S. Congress has not ratified it. NPT members may further the goals of nuclear nonproliferation by addressing the general political incentives for proliferation. Thus, members can be more active in fostering regional cooperation, such as the Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR), through which the United States supports the efforts of former-Soviet states in controlling their nuclear materials and weapons. Additionally, recognizing the limitations of the IAEA safeguards protocol, a new model protocol was adopted in 1997. However, it has not been signed nor ratified by sufficient numbers of members to make the new protocol as effective as it might be. These proposed measures show how fighting the spread of nuclear weapons is a constant battle and the strategies used must be periodically re-examined.
Footnotes and Sources:
[1] The states are presented starting with the states with the most advanced nuclear programs and descending in level of nuclear technological achievement.
[2] This estimate is a worst-case estimate by senior Bush administration officials, assuming Iraq has access to sufficient fissile material. U.S. intelligence does not believe Iraq already has the fissile material needed, but cannot rule out that possibility. For more, see International Institute for Strategic Studies, “Strategic Dossier on Iraq’s WMD,” [url=http://www.iiss.org/conferencepage.php?confID=3&PHPSESSID =17724fc859d4af79ccdb82eab4820f82]http://www.iiss.org/conferencepage.php?confID=3&PHPSESSID=
17724fc859d4af79ccdb82eab4820f82
[/url].
[3] Office of the Secretary of Defense, Proliferation: Threat and Response (Washington: Government Printing Office, April 1996), p. 16.
[4] Cited in W. Seth Carus, “Iranian Nuclear, Biological and Chemical Weapons: Implications and Responses,” Middle East Review of International Affairs, vol. 2, no. 1, March 1998.
[5] For example, the Iran-Iraq Arms Non-Proliferation Act of 1999, the Chemical and Biological Weapons Control and Warfare Elimination Act of 1991, and the Iran Non-Proliferation Act of 2000.
[6] Passed unanimously by the United Nations Security Council on November 8, 2002, Resolution 1441 authorizes UNMOVIC (the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission) to conduct unlimited and unfettered inspections of Iraq’s suspected WMD facilities and report back to the UN Security Council. The Security Council would then have more information on which to base any future actions it might take against ][/quote]

المصدر
http://www.nti.org/e_research/e3_24a.html
هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 235241 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 235241 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 235241 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 235241 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 235241 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 235241 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 235241 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 235241 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 235241 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 235241

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الـبلد : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 01210
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المزاج : متفائل ... بحساب...
التسجيل : 07/04/2010
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مُساهمةموضوع: رد: هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون   هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Icon_m10الجمعة 18 يونيو 2010 - 10:00

الدرع المصرى كتب:
اقتباس :
من فتره أعلنت مصر نيتها بناء محطات نوويه جديده...
وبعدها أعلنت السعوديه بناء مدينه الملك عبدالله النوويه...
أشعر أنه مع وجود القنبله النوويه الاسرائيليه والتسارع النووي الايراني...
فلن تقف مصر والسعوديه صامتتين أمام هذه التهديدات....
ملحوظه::من السهل جدا الحصول علي هذه الاسلحه من السوق السوداء..
تحياتي

بالتاكيد كلامك صحيح ولكن ما احب ان اضيفه الى كلامك هو ان لدى تقرير يتحدث عن وثيقه قدمتها المخابرات الروسيه كيه جى بى تتحدث عن ان مصر بالفعل اشترت عدد من الاسلحه النوويه من روسيا سنة 1993 م ولكن روسيا لم تقوم بتحديث هذه الاسلحه منذ دالك التاريخ ومن المعلوم ان الاسلحه النوويه تحتاج الى التحديث على فترات ولكن هذا ليس بالامر الصعب على المهندسين المصريين ولكن ما تهتم به مصر ليس فقط الحصول على السلاح وانما ان ينتج فى مصر بيد ابنائها ولعل عام 2007 كان هو عام الحسم فى ذالك الامر
revealing document is the Russian intelligence document, produced by the KGB's successor organization, the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service or FIS.
المصدر


http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/7206187/print/1/displaymode/1098


وتحياتى لك اخى الكريم
أنا شوفت الرابط بس مشوفتش نقطة (أشترت) دي ممكن تعملها أقتباس ؟؟؟؟
تحياتي

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الـبلد : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Egypt110
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الدبـــابة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B3337910
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مُساهمةموضوع: رد: هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون   هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Icon_m10الجمعة 18 يونيو 2010 - 11:10

اقتباس :
أنا شوفت الرابط بس مشوفتش نقطة (أشترت) دي ممكن تعملها أقتباس ؟؟؟؟

هى مش مكتوب اشترت حرفيا هى من ضمن الادله التى يتحدث عنها التقرير وثيقه سريه قدمها جهاز المخابرات الروسيه كى جى بى يقول فيها انه يمتلك اكثر من وثيقه تثبت حصول مصر على عدد من الرؤس من روسيا بالاضافه الى ان التقرير يتحدث عن ارسال مصر يورانيوم الى باكستان كى يتم عملية التخصيب له طبقا لاعترافات عبد القادر حلمى المهندس الذى اتهم بالتجسس على برنامج الصاروخ الشبحى الامريكى برشنج الثانى الذى صنعته الولايات المتحده فى نهايه الثمانينات بالاضافه الى اعترافه بان مصر رغم توقيعها على معاهدة منع الانتشار النووى يوجد لديها برنامج نووى سرى نشط جدا
هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 683300 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 683300 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 683300 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 683300 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 683300 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 683300 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 683300 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 683300 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 683300 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 683300 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 683300 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 683300 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 683300 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 683300
تحت امرك شكرا لمرورك

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الـبلد : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Egypt110
التسجيل : 14/06/2010
عدد المساهمات : 5975
معدل النشاط : 6717
التقييم : 438
الدبـــابة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B3337910
الطـــائرة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B91b7610
المروحية : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 76af2b10

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 411


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مُساهمةموضوع: رد: هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون   هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Icon_m10الجمعة 18 يونيو 2010 - 11:45

اقتباس :
أدلة على وجود حشود النووية The most revealing document is the Russian intelligence document, produced by the KGB's successor organization, the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service or FIS. وثيقة تكشف عن أكثر من وثيقة المخابرات الروسية ، التي تنتجها منظمة الخلف الكي جي بي ، وزير الخارجية الروسي المخابرات أو الجبهة الاسلامية للانقاذ. An extraordinary public document, it was issued at a time of extraordinary public openness and has not been updated since. وثيقة غير عادية العامة ، وصدر في وقت الانفتاح وعمومية استثنائية لم يتم تحديثه منذ ذلك الحين.

In the document, "Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction," issued on Jan. 28, 1993, the Russians noted that although there is "no special program of military-applied research in the [Egyptian] nuclear sphere," there are some developments of note. لاحظ الروس في الوثيقة ، "انتشار أسلحة الدمار الشامل" الصادر في 28 يناير 1993 ، أنه على الرغم من وجود "أي برنامج خاص للبحوث العسكرية المطبقة في المجال [] المصرية النووية ،" هناك بعض التطورات من المذكرة.
<LI style="TEXT-ALIGN: right; DIRECTION: rtl" class=textBodyBlack>The development of the 22-MW research reactor at Inshas, north of Cairo, built with help from Argentina; تطوير مفاعل بحثي 22 ميغاواط في انشاص شمال القاهرة ، الذي بني بمساعدة من الأرجنتين ؛
<LI style="TEXT-ALIGN: right; DIRECTION: rtl" class=textBodyBlack>Egypt has contracted with India to upgrade a 30-year-old Soviet research reactor from 2-MW to 5-MW; تعاقدت مصر مع الهند لترقية 30 عاما) من مفاعل ابحاث السوفياتي ميغاواط - 2 - 5 ميغاواط ؛
<LI style="TEXT-ALIGN: right; DIRECTION: rtl" class=textBodyBlack>Egypt has contracted with Russia to supply a MGD-20 cyclotron accelerator which would be helpful in exploring uranium enrichment technologies; تعاقدت مصر مع روسيا لتوريد 20 مليون جالون يوميا التسريع سيكلوترون التي من شأنها أن تكون مفيدة في استكشاف تكنولوجيات تخصيب اليورانيوم ؛
<LI style="TEXT-ALIGN: right; DIRECTION: rtl" class=textBodyBlack>Egypt has begun building a facility at its Inshas research center, which the Russians noted "in its design features and engineering protection could in the future be used to obtain weapons-grade plutonium from the uranium irradiated in the research reactors.” وقد بدأت مصر بناء منشأة في مركز ابحاث انشاص ، الذي لاحظ ان الروس "في معالمه التصميمية والهندسية حماية يمكن أن تستخدم في المستقبل للحصول على البلوتونيوم من اليورانيوم المشع في مفاعلات البحوث."

In addition, NBC News obtained the US Customs Service debriefing of Abdel Kadr Helmy, an Egyptian spy, jailed in the 1980's for trying to obtain various missile technologies, including Pershing-II guidance packages. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك ، حصلت بي سي نيوز ان الولايات المتحدة استخلاص المعلومات من دائرة الجمارك عبد القادر حلمي ، وهو الجاسوس المصري ، وسجن في عام 1980 لمحاولة الحصول على تكنولوجيا الصواريخ المختلفة ، بما في ذلك توجيه حزم بيرشينج الثاني.



Helmy said in the debrief — which he now disavows — that Egypt had an active nuclear weapons development program that included sending uranium to Pakistan for enrichment to bomb-grade levels. وقال حلمي في الاستجواب -- الذي تتنصل الآن -- أن مصر لديها لتطوير أسلحة نووية نشط البرنامج الذي شمل ارسال اليورانيوم الى باكستان لتخصيب اليورانيوم لمستويات صنع قنبلة ذرية. Helmy said that an Egyptian Brigadier, Ahmad Nashet, ran both the civilian nuclear establishment in Cairo, as well as the nascent bomb program. وقال حلمي ان العميد المصري أحمد Nashet ، ركض كل من إنشاء نووي مدني في القاهرة ، فضلا عن برنامج لصنع قنبلة الوليدة.

<LI style="TEXT-ALIGN: right; DIRECTION: rtl" class=textBodyBlack>

الوثيقه حسب ما فهمت ان مصر حصلت عليها فى فترة الانفتاح ولم يتم تحديثها



  • انا مش عارف ايه المقود بفترة الانفتاح هل هى الفتره (معاهدة الصداقه بين مصر والاتحاد السوفيتى ) ام المقصود بها فترة انهيار الاتحاد السوفيتى هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358
</LI>

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الـبلد : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Egypt110
المهنة : اركان حرب
المزاج : عصبي
التسجيل : 02/11/2007
عدد المساهمات : 2462
معدل النشاط : 1336
التقييم : 33
الدبـــابة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Nb9tg10
الطـــائرة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B91b7610
المروحية : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 5e10ef10

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 43577210


هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Empty

مُساهمةموضوع: رد: هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون   هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Icon_m10الجمعة 18 يونيو 2010 - 13:42

الدرع المصرى كتب:
اقتباس :
أدلة على وجود حشود النووية The most revealing document is the Russian intelligence document, produced by the KGB's successor organization, the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service or FIS. وثيقة تكشف عن أكثر من وثيقة المخابرات الروسية ، التي تنتجها منظمة الخلف الكي جي بي ، وزير الخارجية الروسي المخابرات أو الجبهة الاسلامية للانقاذ. An extraordinary public document, it was issued at a time of extraordinary public openness and has not been updated since. وثيقة غير عادية العامة ، وصدر في وقت الانفتاح وعمومية استثنائية لم يتم تحديثه منذ ذلك الحين.

In the document, "Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction," issued on Jan. 28, 1993, the Russians noted that although there is "no special program of military-applied research in the [Egyptian] nuclear sphere," there are some developments of note. لاحظ الروس في الوثيقة ، "انتشار أسلحة الدمار الشامل" الصادر في 28 يناير 1993 ، أنه على الرغم من وجود "أي برنامج خاص للبحوث العسكرية المطبقة في المجال [] المصرية النووية ،" هناك بعض التطورات من المذكرة.
<li style="text-align: right; direction: rtl;" class="textBodyBlack">The development of the 22-MW research reactor at Inshas, north of Cairo, built with help from Argentina; تطوير مفاعل بحثي 22 ميغاواط في انشاص شمال القاهرة ، الذي بني بمساعدة من الأرجنتين ؛
</li><li style="text-align: right; direction: rtl;" class="textBodyBlack">Egypt has contracted with India to upgrade a 30-year-old Soviet research reactor from 2-MW to 5-MW; تعاقدت مصر مع الهند لترقية 30 عاما) من مفاعل ابحاث السوفياتي ميغاواط - 2 - 5 ميغاواط ؛
</li><li style="text-align: right; direction: rtl;" class="textBodyBlack">Egypt has contracted with Russia to supply a MGD-20 cyclotron accelerator which would be helpful in exploring uranium enrichment technologies; تعاقدت مصر مع روسيا لتوريد 20 مليون جالون يوميا التسريع سيكلوترون التي من شأنها أن تكون مفيدة في استكشاف تكنولوجيات تخصيب اليورانيوم ؛
</li><li style="text-align: right; direction: rtl;" class="textBodyBlack">Egypt has begun building a facility at its Inshas research center, which the Russians noted "in its design features and engineering protection could in the future be used to obtain weapons-grade plutonium from the uranium irradiated in the research reactors.” وقد بدأت مصر بناء منشأة في مركز ابحاث انشاص ، الذي لاحظ ان الروس "في معالمه التصميمية والهندسية حماية يمكن أن تستخدم في المستقبل للحصول على البلوتونيوم من اليورانيوم المشع في مفاعلات البحوث."

In addition, NBC News obtained the US Customs Service debriefing of Abdel Kadr Helmy, an Egyptian spy, jailed in the 1980's for trying to obtain various missile technologies, including Pershing-II guidance packages. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك ، حصلت بي سي نيوز ان الولايات المتحدة استخلاص المعلومات من دائرة الجمارك عبد القادر حلمي ، وهو الجاسوس المصري ، وسجن في عام 1980 لمحاولة الحصول على تكنولوجيا الصواريخ المختلفة ، بما في ذلك توجيه حزم بيرشينج الثاني.



Helmy said in the debrief — which he now disavows — that Egypt had an active nuclear weapons development program that included sending uranium to Pakistan for enrichment to bomb-grade levels. وقال حلمي في الاستجواب -- الذي تتنصل الآن -- أن مصر لديها لتطوير أسلحة نووية نشط البرنامج الذي شمل ارسال اليورانيوم الى باكستان لتخصيب اليورانيوم لمستويات صنع قنبلة ذرية. Helmy said that an Egyptian Brigadier, Ahmad Nashet, ran both the civilian nuclear establishment in Cairo, as well as the nascent bomb program. وقال حلمي ان العميد المصري أحمد Nashet ، ركض كل من إنشاء نووي مدني في القاهرة ، فضلا عن برنامج لصنع قنبلة الوليدة.

</li><li style="text-align: right; direction: rtl;" class="textBodyBlack">

الوثيقه حسب ما فهمت ان مصر حصلت عليها فى فترة الانفتاح ولم يتم تحديثها



  • انا مش عارف ايه المقود بفترة الانفتاح هل هى الفتره (معاهدة الصداقه بين مصر والاتحاد السوفيتى ) ام المقصود بها فترة انهيار الاتحاد السوفيتى هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 44522 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358
</li>

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Egyptc

فترة الانفتاح كانت في عهد السادات و المقصود هنا الانفتاح الاقتصادي على اوربا و العالم يعني ممكن تقول من اول 1975


بس انا احب اوضح نقطة..

حكاية النووي المصري مفيش انسان في مصر يقدر يجزم بوجودة او عدم وجودة

و لاكن هناك اشياء لابد ان يعلمها الجميع و هي .. هل هناك القدرة على التصنيع ام لا ..؟؟

و انا اجزم ان هناك القدرة على التصنيع (وجهة نظر)

_____________________­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­____
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هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 200b69a8e6
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الـبلد : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Egypt110
التسجيل : 14/06/2010
عدد المساهمات : 5975
معدل النشاط : 6717
التقييم : 438
الدبـــابة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B3337910
الطـــائرة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B91b7610
المروحية : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 76af2b10

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 411


هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Empty

مُساهمةموضوع: رد: هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون   هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Icon_m10السبت 19 يونيو 2010 - 0:10

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358
اقتباس :
فترة الانفتاح كانت في عهد السادات و المقصود هنا الانفتاح الاقتصادي على اوربا و العالم يعني ممكن تقول من اول 1975

بس انا احب اوضح نقطة..

حكاية النووي المصري مفيش انسان في مصر يقدر يجزم بوجودة او عدم وجودة

و لاكن هناك اشياء لابد ان يعلمها الجميع و هي .. هل هناك القدرة على التصنيع ام لا ..؟؟

و انا اجزم ان هناك القدرة على التصنيع (وجهة نظر)

_____________________

بالنسبه للقدره على التصنيع انا اتفق معك بنسبة 100% ان مصر تستطيع فعلها و الدليل على ذالك قرات تقرير فى مجله اسرائيليه يتحدث عن ثلاث محاور لامتلاك السلاح النووى هى 1 / التكنولوجيا 2 / التمويل 3 / الاراده السياسيه
وصنف دول الشرق الاوسط على هذا الاساس و اكد فيما يخص مصر تمتلك التكنولوجيا و التمويل لكنها فى السابق لم تكن تمتلك الاراده السياسيه وتغير الموقف بسبب موقف ايران فى حين ان ايران تمتلك الاراده والمال ولا تمتلك التكنولوجيا الكامله سابحث عن هذا التقرير و اقوم بوضعه
* اما بالنسبه للمقصود بفترة الانفتاح فى التقرير فلم يحدد هل هو اقتصادى او عسكرى ولا تنسى ان الراس ماليه فى روسيا لاتسمى انفتاح كما فى الغرب على الاقل قبل تولى بوتن السلطه هناك انا اعتقد انه فترة الانفتاح العسكرى مع الاتحاد السوفيتى لان اسرائيل فى يوم 7 اكتوبر 73 قامت برفع حاله الاستنفار النووى و تحميل طائرات الميراج بالرؤس النوويه المتوسطه وعندما رصد السوفييت ذالك قاموا على الفور بارسال عدد من الرؤس الجاهزه لمصر لتكون رادع لاسرائيل عن استخدام السلاح النووى وعندما علم الاسرائيلين بذالك ركزوا ضربات الطيران على احد الموانى على ما اتذكر انه ميناء الآدبيه وسقط عدد كبير من الطائرات الاسرائيليه واسر عدد من الطيارين تم استجوابهم عن سبب التركيز على الميناء فقالوا ان تقرير امريكى وصلهم يؤكد وصول حاويات رؤس نوويه من روسيا على سفينه روسيه فى هذا الميناء ............ والله اعلم
شكرا لمشاركتك عزيزى تقبل تحياتىهل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 133358

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الـبلد : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Egypt110
التسجيل : 14/06/2010
عدد المساهمات : 5975
معدل النشاط : 6717
التقييم : 438
الدبـــابة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B3337910
الطـــائرة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B91b7610
المروحية : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 76af2b10

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 411


هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Empty

مُساهمةموضوع: رد: هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون   هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Icon_m10الأحد 20 يونيو 2010 - 11:40

وقد اسمعت لو ناديت حيا .................. ولكن لاحياة لمن تنادى
يا جماعه مش معقول كده دا موضوع مطروح للنقاش وليس للاطلاع فقط يعنى ممكن اى حد عنده معلومه يضيفها ونكونوا شاكرين له
هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275 هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 654275

الرجوع الى أعلى الصفحة اذهب الى الأسفل
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الـبلد : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Egypt110
التسجيل : 14/06/2010
عدد المساهمات : 5975
معدل النشاط : 6717
التقييم : 438
الدبـــابة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B3337910
الطـــائرة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B91b7610
المروحية : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 76af2b10

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 411


هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Empty

مُساهمةموضوع: رد: هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون   هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Icon_m10الأربعاء 30 يونيو 2010 - 20:40

بمساعدة روسيا..

مصر تجهز لـ4 محطات نووية لتوفير الطاقة
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هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 691910
محطة عملاقة لتوليد الكهرباء
القاهرة: في خطوة جديدة لتوفير بدائل الطاقة النظيفة تدرس مصر حاليا الاستعانة بالخبرات الروسية لإنشاء 4 محطات نووية لتوليد الكهرباء لمواجهة خطر نفاد المصادر التقليدية للطاقة والتي تشير التقارير أنها ربما تنتهي بحلول العام 2040.
حيث أعلنت وزارة الكهرباء المصرية أن شركة (روستوم) الروسية للطاقة الذرية أطلعت مسئولي الطاقة الكهربائية في مصر على خصائص التصميم الروسية الأساسية لمشروعات محطات الكهرباء النووية في ورشة عمل استمرت يومين.
وأعلنت مصر أنها تريد بناء 4 محطات توليد كهرباء بالطاقة النووية بداية عام 2025 مع بدء أول محطة العمل في 2019، وقال وزير التجارة الروسي في مارس الماضي، إن بلاده ستتقدم بعروض في المناقصات التي ستطرحها مصر لبناء محطات الكهرباء النووية.
وشارك في ورشة العمل التي بدأت، يوم الثلاثاء 29 يونيو، ما يزيد عن 12 خبيرا روسيا بحسب ما نقله موقع الوزارة الالكتروني عن حسن يونس وزير الكهرباء. وأوضح يونس أن: "هذه الورشة تأتي في إطار خطة الوزارة للتعرف عن قرب على التكنولوجيات النووية المتاحة قبل طرح المناقصة العالمية لإنشاء المحطات النووية".
وقال مسئولون إن الاحتياطيات المجمعة من البترول والغاز في مصر أكبر بلد عربي من حيث عدد السكان ستنفد بعد 3 عقود مما يدفعها للبحث عن مصادر بديلة للطاقة من بينها الطاقة النووية والطاقة الشمسية.

الحمد لله كما تمنيت ان تكون روسيا هى شريكنا فى البرنامج النووى وليس اسرائيل اقصد امريكا
عموما مش فارقه الاتنين واحد هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 671272

الرجوع الى أعلى الصفحة اذهب الى الأسفل
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الـبلد : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Egypt110
التسجيل : 14/06/2010
عدد المساهمات : 5975
معدل النشاط : 6717
التقييم : 438
الدبـــابة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B3337910
الطـــائرة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B91b7610
المروحية : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 76af2b10

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 411


هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Empty

مُساهمةموضوع: رد: هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون   هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Icon_m10الأربعاء 30 يونيو 2010 - 20:49

اقتباس :
وقال مسئولون إن الاحتياطيات المجمعة من البترول والغاز في مصر أكبر بلد عربي من حيث عدد السكان ستنفد بعد 3 عقود مما يدفعها للبحث عن مصادر بديلة للطاقة من بينها الطاقة النووية والطاقة الشمسية.

اعتقد ان هذا الكلام غير صحيح بل هو مبرر للبدء فى المشروع فقط لاغير حيث تمتلك مصر احتياطى من الغاز يقدر ب 300 تريليون قدم مكعب وهذا الاحتياطى يكفى مصر لمده اكبر من 150 سنه

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الـبلد : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Egypt110
التسجيل : 14/06/2010
عدد المساهمات : 5975
معدل النشاط : 6717
التقييم : 438
الدبـــابة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B3337910
الطـــائرة : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 B91b7610
المروحية : هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 76af2b10

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 411


هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Empty

مُساهمةموضوع: رد: هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون   هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون - صفحة 2 Icon_m10الجمعة 2 يوليو 2010 - 11:03

اقتباس :

ويكشف الدكتور حسن يونس وزير الكهرباء فى تصريحاته للجريدة عن موقع المحطة النووية فى وقت قريب حسب الأخبارـ مشيرا إلى أنه سيتم طرح مناقصاتها العالمية قبل نهاية العام الحالى، مضيفا أنه تم البدء فى تنفيذ برامج متكاملة لتدريب الكوادر المصرية سواء فى الداخل أو الخارج، كما تم الانتهاء من الدراسات الخاصة بالتكنولوجيا النووية المتاحة وطرق التمويل
اعتقد ان الامور بدات تسير فى الطريق الصحيح نحو تنفيذ البرنامج النووى اتمنى من الله الا تظهر عقبات فى طريق هذا المشروع وسوف اطالعكم باستمرار بآخر مستجدات البرنامج النووى المصرى خدمة لمنتدانا

الرجوع الى أعلى الصفحة اذهب الى الأسفل
 

هل امتلكت مصر السلاح النووى كما يزعمون

استعرض الموضوع التالي استعرض الموضوع السابق الرجوع الى أعلى الصفحة 
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